After all, as long as Hamas, a sworn enemy of the Palestinian Authority, held power, there would be no chance for a unified Palestinian state coexisting with Israel.
Ami Ayalon, Gilead Sher and Orni Petruschka wrote for Foreign Affairs that “Benjamin Netanyahu, a reckless and cynical leader … espoused the ill-fated notion that Hamas’s rule in Gaza was fundamentally good for Israel: Israeli interests were better served by Palestinian disunity — with Gaza split from the West Bank, where the more moderate PA holds sway — than by political unity among Palestinians.” But, the authors cautioned, if the desired outcome is two states, “Hamas must be removed from power in Gaza.”
Ironically, the fiercest American critics of Netanyahu, in pursuing an immediate cease-fire before Hamas is defeated, effectively adopt the very same failed strategy that Netanyahu did. After each major military clash (2006, 2008, 2014), Hamas remained in power — only to ignite the next war and prevent a peaceful resolution that would allow two states for two people.
Removing Hamas, which is dedicated to exterminating Israel, from the equation to facilitate statehood for Palestinians is not an extreme position. Rather, it is the consensus of most serious foreign policy experts and former Middle East negotiators who advocate for Palestinian statehood.
As the Associated Press reported, though Netanyahu “will be remembered as the man in charge during the worst attack in Israeli history,” the war showed that allowing Hamas to remain in power undermined any hope of a two-state solution. The war now offers the potential to dislodge Netanyahu and Hamas, creating an opening, however small, for progress toward Palestinian sovereignty.
Several caveats are in order. For starters, the need to eliminate Hamas does not excuse Israel from sparing civilians to the largest extent possible. It’s an open question whether Israel’s tactics in northern Gaza have met its moral and legal obligations. The United States must demand Israel differentiate between military and civilian targets, a task that might be easier in the less densely populated southern part of the Gaza Strip, where fighting is likely when the war resumes. Second, President Biden must increase pressure on Israel to plan for a transition to an interim authority that can administer Gaza and oversee the rebuilding process after the fighting stops. And, third, the Biden administration must insist on concrete, identifiable steps to reform the Palestinian Authority and preparations for a final status deal.
Biden has said the right things. (“A two-state solution is the only way to ensure the long-term security of both the Israeli and Palestinian people,” he wrote in a Nov. 18 op-ed in The Post. “A two-state solution — two peoples living side by side with equal measures of freedom, opportunity and dignity — is where the road to peace must lead.”) But the administration must move from general admonitions to clear proposals, an agreed timeline and specific requirements for Israel and the Palestinian Authority (e.g., naming a successor for Mahmoud Abbas, dismantling of illegal settlements).
In his op-ed, Biden wrote that now is the time to pave the way for a two-state solution. “To start, Gaza must never again be used as a platform for terrorism. There must be no forcible displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, no reoccupation, no siege or blockade, and no reduction in territory.” He argued that “after this war is over, the voices of Palestinian people and their aspirations must be at the center of post-crisis governance in Gaza.” He continued, “As we strive for peace, Gaza and the West Bank should be reunited under a single governance structure, ultimately under a revitalized Palestinian Authority, as we all work toward a two-state solution.”
On Sunday, national security adviser Jake Sullivan reiterated, “We believe that this is absolutely a moment for us to be working with everyone in the region. We do think this is a moment for that kind of diplomacy.”
Biden’s critics should understand that every step toward eventual statehood for the Palestinians begins with the destruction of Hamas. The immensely difficult task of carving out two states for two peoples can get underway only with Hamas’s elimination, not with a unilateral cease-fire that leaves Hamas to fight another day and inflict more atrocities on Israel.
Tolerating Hamas’s survival amounts to the failed approach Netanyahu pursued for too long. A brighter future for both sides is possible only when he and Hamas no longer can throw obstacles in the way of peace.
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